清雍正朝改土归流的原因、策略与效用

清雍正朝的改土归流是一次重要的社会变革,也是明代以来诸多改土归流中规模最大的一次。本文根据新近披露的边疆大吏奏疏和其他史料,探讨此次改流的原因、实现改流的策略以及改流产生的效用,对以往的一些观点亦提出商榷,同时总结清雍正朝施政的若干特点。     

简论民事诉讼处分原则之立法模式

处分原则是最能反映民事诉讼特色的基本原则。由于诉讼传统、理论以及观念的差异,各国关于处分原则的立法并不一致,主要有三种模式：大陆法系的＂处分权主义＂、英美法系对抗制下的处分原则、苏联的＂职权干预式＂处分原则。其中,大陆法系的立法模式为中国进一步改革与完善处分原则提供了一个好的范例。     

探析微博在高职高专艺术类专业英语教学中的应用

本文探讨微博用于高职高专艺术类专业英语教学的教学模式,并辅以教学实例进行解析,为英语教学提供了新视角。     

高兹资本主义核电技术批判理论及其当代价值

高兹是法国当代左翼生态政治思想家,他以法国发展核电技术为例,从技术、经济、生态和安全方面对资本主义使用的核电技术进行了深刻的分析和批判。他指出核电技术是"资本的圈套",符合资本主义积累逻辑,是资本主义专制的政治选择,社会生态重建的基本前提是工具转换。高兹的核电批判理论为我们审视目前的能源发展战略提供了一种新的理论视野,他对节约能源以及采用新技术发展新型能源的思考,对建设生态文明具有重要的价值。     

闻一多书籍装帧封面的视觉要素分析

闻一多是现代一位出色的装帧家,装帧作品虽然不多,但精品不少,尤以封面设计作品较为突出。闻一多的书籍封面设计,在视觉要素运用上,文字新颖多变,图形表现兼容并蓄,色彩运用简洁鲜明,为我国现代书籍装帧艺术的发展做出了贡献。     

运用归因理论提高地缘劣势院校非英语专业学生英语学习的积极性

本文运用归因理论,从培养学生英语学习的心理素质出发,激发其英语学习的动机,提高英语学习的积极性。     

争国本：君臣博弈的政治解读

万历年间册立太子之争被称为＂争国本＂,围绕册立皇长子朱常洛还是皇三子朱常洵,明神宗万历与廷臣进行了旷日持久的博弈。整个事件由廷臣温和的建议开始,经过长期而激烈的斗争,以至于谣言四起,最后借助太后的力量得以解决,按祖制皇长子朱常洵被册立为太子,皇三子朱常洛受封福王。争国本是认识明朝政治运作的典型样本,折射了专制王朝政治运作的内在逻辑。     

C330. The variability of evaluations of speculative ideas

This article reports results of an extensive simulation study which investigated the performances of some commonly used methods of estimating error rates in discriminant analysis. Earlier research papers limited their comparisons of these methods to independent training data. This study allows for a simple auto-regressive dependence among the training data. The results suggest that the estimation methods based on the normal distribution perform adequately well under conditions of negative or mild positive correlation in the data, and small dimensions (p) of the observation vectors. For large p or strong positive correlation structures the conclusion is that one of the better non-parametric methods should be used. Special circumstances and conditions which notably affect the relative performances of the methods are identified.     

From advocacy to service provision: state transformation and the disability rights movement in Taiwan

This research uses the development of the disability rights movement in Taiwan as a case study to analyze the impact of state transformation, in particular marketization of social welfare policy, on the disability rights movement. First, the institutionalization of the disability rights movement enabled it to expand its organizational structure and become involved in shaping policy. Secondly, when disability rights organizations started to undertake state-funded projects, their focus shifted from advocacy to service provision. Thirdly, competition for limited state-funding gave the organizations led by urban-middle class advocates a significant advantage over small, community-based NPOs and gathered significantly greater resources. Finally, this paper suggests that, in a context in which the state did not provide basic social services for its citizens with disabilities, the institutionalization of SMOs turned advocacy groups into service providers. Although the number of disability civic organizations increased, the voices of advocacy groups were weakened.     

The Diffusion of Tolerance: Birth Cohort Changes in the Effects of Education and Income on Political Tolerance

Political tolerance—the willingness to extend civil liberties to traditionally stigmatized groups—is pivotal to the functioning of democracy and the well‐being of members of stigmatized groups. Although political tolerance has traditionally been more common among American elites, we argue that as tolerance has increased, it has also diffused to less educated and less affluent segments of the population. The relative stability of political attitudes over the life course and the socialization of more recent birth cohorts in contexts of increased tolerance suggest that this diffusion of tolerance occurs across birth cohorts rather than time periods. Using age‐period‐cohort models and more than three and a half decades of repeated cross‐sectional survey data, we find persistent and robust across‐cohort declines in the importance of both income and higher education in determining levels of political tolerance. Declines in the effects of socioeconomic status are evident with tolerance toward all five out‐groups in the analysis—anti‐religionists, gays and lesbians, communists, militarists, and racists—but to varying degrees. These findings fit with a model of changes in public opinion, particularly views of civil and political rights, through processes of cultural diffusion and cohort replacement.